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"Throughout history, it has been the inaction of those who could have acted; the indifference of those who should have known better; the silence of the voice of justice when it mattered most; that has made it possible for evil to triumph."
-Haile Selassie I

The Trap Of Ethnicity - Grand Gedeh And Nimba Counties

Smyrna, GA (The Perspective, December 28, 1998) - The strategy of ethnicity in Africa is nothing new to modern African political scene. The British invented the strategy, as we know it today. You may recall it was referred to as "The Divide and Rule" strategy.
It was implemented during the colonial and post-colonial eras. Even today, Nigeria and other former colonized countries are suffering from its effects. For example, those who implored this strategy, do so to serve their own interest, and not the interest of those in whose name it is used. The ethnic groups in Africa are caught in this trap due to the way in which African countries became nations. It was not a process where the various African "tribes" called a palaver (conference) to decide on forming a nation. European countries got together in Berlin in 1884 and decided to divide Africa amongst themselves.
As the result, Africans find themselves living in countries that were designed by Europeans. Citizens within these countries did not go through the process by which one develops nationalistic feelings for his or her country. In essence, we (Africans) are not nationalistic in the true sense of the word. Instead, we owe our allegiance to our tribes.
Because of this loose arrangement, citizens of the various African states owe their alliance to their ethnic or tribal groups first and foremost before the nation. For example, we see ourselves first as Krao before Liberians. Therefore, it is not by accident that we have all of these problems. This element is one of the contributing factors why we find it hard to unite. Take a minute or two to think about it. With all the book knowledge we say, we have, why haven't we realized that the use of tribalism in our national politics is a trap?
Ethnicity remains a dominant element of life throughout Africa, especially when it becomes necessary to mobilize grassroots support for political purposes. Ethnicity, therefore, is at the root of the political process on the continent. There are several points of view on the issue of tribalism. Some observers consider tribalism as a roadblock to nationalism, whereas others think that it is the source of cooperation and the maintenance of tribal values and loyalty.
But judging from the serious problems of governance that almost all of the countries in Africa are experiencing, I find myself on the side of those who say that tribalism serves as a roadblock to nation-building in Africa. Let me borrow from their argument - source of cooperation, maintenance of tribal values and loyalty. It is my contention that these are the very reasons that make African countries vulnerable.
This brings me to the point I intend to make. Please don't hold it against me. It is an honest analysis. Take it or leave it. My analysis is based on "the brilliant but dangerous" strategy developed by John C. Rancy, during the Samuel K. Doe regime. Rancy at the time was the minister of state for Presidential Affairs during the Doe era, and had served in both Tubman and Tolbert administrations. It was alleged that Rancy was the author of "The John Rancy Letter of March 22, 1983." The role he played in developing that letter is the same role advisors and other officials in any government play on a daily basis. This practice is evident in the day to day functioning of government in this country, where aides prepare memos on various issues.
The difference is that the advice given to leaders in this country is in the interest of the public, and if where it has a partisan tone, such communications are kept confidential. Often, their advice is aimed at achieving positive public policy objectives, not advocating violation of law. The point here is when you're caught violating the law you could be prosecuted. That's how it is supposed to be.
But with us in Africa, we see it from another perspective. The individual along with his ethnic group is indicted for his crime. Not only that, but we go as far to include innocent associates as well as their children. This was evident during the Liberian civil war. We are so conditioned by tribalism that we fail to see the narrow confines of our attitude toward other people regarding politics and a host of other issues.
In the case of Rancy's letter, in which he urged President Doe to effectively excise his Gio and Mano rivals from government, Rancy should have been exposed and brought to justice.
Similarly, Doe should have been held responsible for his actions, not the Krahn people from Grand Gedeh County. The same dynamic is taking place today in Liberia. All Krahns are liable for Roosevelt Johnson's alleged plan to overthrow the government.
At this critical juncture in our history, there is a need to move beyond the Grand Gedeh and Nimba manufactured conflict. Can't we see that Taylor is using this strategy to maintain himself in power? Therefore, to remain silent because it is not your ethnic group that is being killed, plays in the hands of Charlie and his Angels. This is why it so important for Liberian organizations to speak out now.
It is my gut feeling that Rancy wrote the letter. This is an opinion! I have arrived at this conclusion based on how every issue mentioned in the letter became a reality. All of the suggestions in the letter could not have been a coincidence! So, when Nimbaians accused Grand Gedeans for the evil contained in the letter, they were wrong. They should have blamed Rancy and Doe, not the entire ethnic group. But I see the same thing happening today. The Nimbaians who at that time accused the Grand Gedeans have not made any public statement on the Camp Johnson Road massacre.
It is just a thought! Why do we allow ourselves to be manipulated? When was the last time any of you read the statement Tom Woewiyu delivered at the press conference of July 19, 1994? You need to read it if you haven't done so lately. This brings us back to the main point of our discussion - ethnicity. In the John G. Rancy Letter, he did not mentioned anything about keeping Krahn people in power. The strategy was designed to keep Doe in power beyond 1985. In this design, he had other players such as President Reagan, the State of Israel, Libya, Ethiopia, Chad, H. Boima Fahnbulleh, Jr., MOJA, PPP, Abraham Kollie, Thomas Quiwonkpa and those he referred to as the "Socialists" involved. You see my point? Why then should we get caught up in the trap of ethnicity? Ethnicity is a deadly tool used by the manipulator. It has nothing to do with the "tribe" that is being manipulated. It is only a means to an end. The John Rancy letter started off by saying - "per our discussion regarding possible strategies for remaining in office beyond 1985." No where did it suggest for the Krahn people remaining in power beyond 1995. So you see how innocent people can be considered guilty because of their birth or association? This is my point and nothing else!
If we have some pride left as Liberians, every one of us need to be angry at Charlie and his angles of death regarding the way he is treating our people. We ought to send him a message, loud and clear that when you mess with one ethnic group in Liberia, you'll have all of us to contend with. That should be our message! So say one, so say all will be applicable in this case.

Many Houses in Addis Ababa Vacant and in Disrepair

Addis Ababa (Addis Tribune, January 4, 1999) - Previous tenants of houses on which the Addis Ababa Administration made rent increases some two years ago say that they vacated the houses because they were unable to pay the greatly increased house rents.

On the other hand, "Kebele" (district) administrations in Addis are currently voicing their concern that a great deal of rent income is being foregone as many houses remain shut down for lack of tenants who are able to meet the stiff rents. A different point of view has been expressed by the economic branch of the Addis Ababa Administration.
It contends that the rent increases were made on the basis of in-depth studies and were therefore wholly appropriate. The counter-argument lodged from previous tenants is that the rent increases never took into account location and ability to pay as criteria. Many former tenants are of the opinion that the rent hikes were made without sufficient prior study and never even considered land area. In their view, the rent increases were wholly arbitrary without foundation by way of economic rationality. Several previous tenants interviewed made the observation that many of the houses vacated because of the unbearably high rents have still not been rented and are in a state of bad disrepair, some in fact being used as latrines. Many express their opinions by saying: "Instead of just looking at the fast deteriorating, shut-down houses, it would be better for the Addis Ababa Administration to revise its house rents downwards and try to attract tenants from whom rent income may be collected for use in the development of the city."
Making a similar observation, "kebele" administrations say: "we are losing a lot of money because of the vacant houses. We have repeatedly advertised for tenants, but so far nobody has come forward who can afford to pay the high rents. We consider it appropriate and timely for the concerned authorities to rethink their entire house rent policy." The clash of interests is obvious from what the head of the economic bureau of the Addis Ababa Administration has said. He argues as follows: "Unless the tenants are demanding that the house rents be in line with what they can afford to pay, we are fully convinced that the increases were made on the basis of urban land market conditions in Addis Ababa. We don't accept the argument that no tenants who can afford to pay the increased rents can be found.
House rent advertisements put out by kebeles are severely limited in their visibility by potential tenants. Such advertisements are not published in newspapers with large circulations and are posted in places least likely to be frequented by prospective tenants. That's the major reason why houses have remained unoccupied for long periods of time. With respect to the state of disrepair of the houses and some of them being used as latrines, it is obvious that the responsibility fully lies with the "kebeles" themselves. Zone administrations have been requested to submit studies on alternative uses to which shut-down houses may be put, classifying them into three categories, namely "residential," "office" and "commercial", but with the exception of only one zone administration all have failed to comply with the request. We have a plan in the current year to convert shutdown houses to residential, commercial and office uses. I must point out that prior to the rent increases, the total revenue from rent was only 10 million birr, but at present revenue from rent on commercially used houses alone tops 100 million Birr."
And now for our comments. Even the official of the Addis Ababa Administration mentioned above has admitted that:
- the rent increases made were not in line with the ability of tenants to pay;
- there are many shut-down houses; and
- many of these vacant houses are in a bad state of disrepair;
The official's claim that the rent increases were made in line with urban land market conditions in Addis Ababa does not hold water because there is no land market in most of Ethiopia at present. The claim also contradicts the official's admission that the "ability to pay" criterion was not considered in the determination of increased house rents, implying that for the most part supply rather than demand was the major determinant in the fixing of the rents. And we know that the supply of land is fully under the control of the state, which means that the rent increases made were, in large, determined by monopoly - pricing principles. Because effective demand was not fully taken into account, many houses have been shut down for lack of tenants.
We have in the past strongly argued against the rather capricious manner in which the house rent increases were made on several grounds: first, most of the houses on which the hikes were made do not belong to the government. They were atrociously confiscated by the Derg and should therefore be returned to their rightful owners or their legal heirs. Second, because all land in Ethiopia and over 50 percent of the housing stock are owned by the government, house rents cannot possibly be determined by the forces of supply and demand owing to the government's unquestionably clear monopoly power in the sector.

Hence, the rent increases were, from the start, illegal because they were made on houses which do not belong to the government or for which adequate compensation was not paid; they were anti-free-market because they were made under clearly monopolistic conditions; they were anti-business because they have obviously deterred the business community; they may have raised government revenue as the aforementioned official has stated, but at the expense of justice, the free market and economic growth.
Therefore, houses confiscated by the Derg should be returned to their previous owners or the latter should be paid adequate compensation. At any rate, all houses now said to be government-owned should be privatized one way or another; similarly land in Ethiopia should be reverted to private ownership. It would be an illusion to think that Ethiopia's economic development can be accelerated without creating reasonably well functioning free markets for land and housing.

The creation of reasonably free markets for land and housing would have the following beneficial effects:
- Land prices would go down at least in the medium-term
- Similarly, house rents would gradually decline and a boom in the
construction sector would be triggered
- The current housing shortage would be visibly and substantially alleviated
- Agricultural, industrial and other construction would give great impetus
to overall economic growth and development
- The present shortage of office space may slowly become a thing of the
past.

Underscoring the centrality of land and housing reforms for Ethiopia's future economic development, one Ethiopian economist put it rather aptly as follows: "You may think I am some sort of a physiocrat crackpot, but, think what you will, I believe that land reform is the single most important development issue any government in Ethiopia, present or future, must firmly address. I am aware that there are several other key development issues that need to be similarly tackled, including bureaucratic red tape, corruption, cronyism, the mixing of politics with business, ethnicity-based regionalization, budget appropriations and poor economic and social infrastrucutre and the like. Yet none of these issues come anywhere near land reform in significance. One cannot but fully endorse this economist's insightful observations. Government, please de- nationalize land and housing and stop monopoly-pricing of these assets! Remember that Ethiopia's economy is land-based, not information-based as America's or Europe's is! Unfetter land and housing from the constrictive clutches of Ethiopia's bureaucratic dinosaur! And, by so doing, do not be surprised at the sheer momentum of economic growth you may unleash!

Ethiopia-Eritrea

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia (PANA, 01/01/99) - Some 340,000 Ethiopians have been forced from their homes and land in the northern and north-eastern parts of the country on account of the eight-month- old border dispute with neighbouring Eritrea, a government statement issued here Friday.
The statement once again accused Eritrea of rejecting repeated mediation efforts, including last month's decision by the 16-nation summit of the OAU conflict management committee, for a negotiated end to the conflict. "We urge the international community to speak out, to insist that Eritrean aggression cannot and must not pay, that what was done must be undone first if there is going to be peace," the statement issued by the government spokesperson said.
Ethiopia, it said, had shown in the past eight months its commitment to try and find a peaceful end to the conflict, but that Eritrea had rejected them. It gave the breakdown of the displaced people to include some 316,000 from the Tigray regional state in northern Ethiopia and another 22,400 from the Afar regional state in the north-eastern part of the country.
Early in December, the government said over 40,000 Ethiopians had been expelled from Eritrea since the border conflict erupted in May. There have been accusations and counter-accusations by both sides of the ill-treatment of their citizens since then.
The situation on their common border has also remained tense as both parties deployed troops, tanks and artillery immediately after the dispute erupted in the Badme border area of north-western Ethiopia.
There was brief fighting on three fronts in early June, followed by intermittent border shelling that has claimed many innocent lives on both sides since then.

1998

Toronto (The International Freedom Of Expression Exchange, December 31, 1998) - The following document was released by the Reporters sans frontieres (RSF), Paris reviewing the year in press freedom:

Thursday 31 December
Press release
1998 survey

Fewer journalists killed but still as many in jail

In 1998, 19 journalists were killed in the course of their work or because of their opinions, 487 were arrested, 697 were assaulted or threatened, and 501 media were victims of repression. On 1 January 1999, 93 journalists are still imprisoned worldwide. Freedom of the press is trodden underfoot by authoritarian governments in 30 countries where over two billion people live. In 65 other countries, two billion more men and women have to make do with media that are kept under close observation.
Our figure of 19 journalists killed is lower than those given for 1998 by other organisations working to defend press freedom. The reason is that Reporters Sans Frontieres only counts those cases where it has been established beyond doubt that the journalists were killed in the course of their work, or simply because of their profession.
Murder has become less popular as a way of silencing those who upset the authorities by offering an independent viewpoint to the public. Since 1994 - when 103 journalists were killed, 48 of them in Rwanda and 18 in Algeria - the number of journalists murdered has been falling. This significant decrease is mainly due to the end of conflicts such as those in Rwanda, the former Yugoslavia and Chechnya, and to the changing nature of the violence in Algeria. The salient feature of the killings in 1998 was that they concerned mostly journalists investigating government corruption and collusion with criminal organisations. This was the case in Bangladesh (one journalist killed), Brazil (one), Colombia (four), Mexico (one), Philippines (one), Russia (two) and Thailand (one). A typical example was the murder of Russian journalist Larissa Yudina on 8 June in the autonomous province of Kalmykia, in the south of the country. Yudina, editor of the daily Sovitskaya Kalmykia Sevodnya, was investigating allegations of embezzlement implicating President Kirsan Iliumjinov. The other killings took place in Afghanistan (one), Canada (one), Congo (one), Ethiopia (one), Georgia (one), Iran (one), Mexico (one) and Sierra Leone (one).
The number of journalists imprisoned remained stable compared to 1997. On 1 January 1999, 93 were in jail compared to 90 a year earlier. The countries that keep most journalists in prison are still Ethiopia (15), China (14), Syria (ten) and Burma (seven). Ill-treatment is common in Syrian and Burmese prisons. Nizar Nayyouf, winner of the 1998 Reporters Sans Frontieres/Fondation de France prize, who is serving a ten-year sentence, is suffering from cancer for which he has been refused treatment. In Burma, Win Tin, also sentenced to ten years, spent several weeks locked up in a cage intended for guard dogs at Insein prison, Rangoon. But the country where journalists are most often arrested and where torture is most widespread is still Turkey. In 1998, 260 journalists were arrested there, 60 were assaulted and about ten tortured. In 80% of those cases, it was the police who were responsible.
The situation has worsened in several countries. In Nawar Sharif's Pakistan, for instance, the independent press is increasingly under threat, caught between the growing influence of the Taliban militia in the north of the country and a government that is moving towards radical Islam. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, Laurent-Desire Kabila continues to arrest and imprison journalists. The government of Slobodan Milosevic in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia took advantage of NATO's threats of air strikes to launch a campaign against independent media: three daily newspapers and two radio stations were closed down, and a new press law was passed that hits hard at journalists' rights. In Iran, radicals close to the Islamic Republic's spiritual leader, Ali Khamenei, are thought to have been behind the murder of intellectuals, including journalist Mohamad Mokhtari. In Cuba, where three journalists are currently behind bars, Fidel Castro continues his policy of harassing independent news agencies.
Even so, there was good news for freedom of the press in some countries. Since the resignation of President Suharto in May 1998, no journalists have been imprisoned in Indonesia, about 100 newspapers have been launched, non-government organisations such as the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) have been officially recognised and the government has promised to pass a law guaranteeing press freedom. Following the death of Nigerian President Sani Abacha in June, only two journalists are still in prison compared to 13 previously.
For further information, contact Alexandre Levy or Ludovic Brun at RSF, 5, rue Geoffroy Marie, Paris 75009, France, tel: +33 1 44 83 84 84, fax: +33 1 45 23 11 51, e-mail: europersf.fr, Internet: http://www.rsf.fr
The information contained in this press release is the sole responsibility of RSF. In citing this material for broadcast or publication, please credit RSF.

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Distributed by The International Freedom Of Expression Exchange Clearing House, 489 College St. Suite 403, Toronto, Ontario M6G 1A5 CANADA, tel: +1 416 515 9622, fax: +1 416 515 7879, e-mail: ifexifex.org, Internet site: www.ifex.org

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